Serbs destroyed Yugoslavia - The Death of Yugoslavia

How Serbs incited wars in order to create ' Greater Serbia', a total epic fail which, unfortunately resulted with so many casualties !
Serbs started the war and are guilty for the bloodshed in ex- YU :

Pay attention to the first part "Enter of Nationalism" from sec 0:14.... Slobo's speech which marked public proclamation of a war against non-serbs !
http://topdocumentaryfilms.com/death-of-yugoslavia/

 

Serbian forces have raped an estimated 20,000 to 50,000
Bosnian Muslim women during the armed conflict which has accompanied
the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia.s Many
of these women were repeatedly raped until they were impregnated
and then imprisoned until it was too late to have a safe...
Kohn: Women's Human Rights
http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1614&context=ggulrev

 

This story terrifies me ; a story of a 12 year old Bosniac girl - part of a systematically rape campaign conducted by serbs against Bosnia Muslims and Croats - who was murdered in the end ! Savages !

[ame="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ceW5n71rShw&feature=player_embedded"]YouTube - ‪The Story of Almira Bektovic - Bosnian Child of War Rape‬‏[/ame]

 

With all due respect to the victims I find this highly unlikely to happen in such a number 'cause it would mean 20,000-50,000 newborn babies over there. Number varies extremely and wonder who gave the estimate to it.

On a side note but again with a respect to the Serbian women and girls victims, Bosnian Muslims and Croat forces during time of war were using raping en masse too in their camps such as notorious Detelj.
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/documents/repyug2.htm

 

Regarding documentary and false and malicious claims that Serbs incited war in Ex YU in order to create a 'Greater Serbia', I must counter it with a claim that actually Albanians as foreign element in South Slavic union once known as Yugoslavia, are mainly responsible for a collapse of the same.
At the time the open conflict started, no ethnic Serb held a federal position to order any kind of military intervention!
Decades before collapse of the Yugoslavia Kosovo Albanians (many of them came as uncontrolled influx of the Albanian asylum seekers from the Albania proper) were oppressing Serbs in Kosovo and abusing Federal budget for help to undeveloped regions of the Ex YU. Action-reaction is a natural process... but people should know that Serbia was the last nail who held the coffin known as Yugoslavia.

Debate!

 

Serbs are experts in spreading fear and lie.

Your false interpratation, especially by trickery about Dretelj.
Dretelj was a Croatian camp for Bosnian Muslims - mainly.

http://www.balkanpeace.org/index.php?index=/content/testimonies/wctc/wctc04.incl
http://forum.slobodnavojvodina.org/viewtopic.php?f=6&t=1052&view=next


P.S. Bosnian Serb Milan Lukic burned Muslims alive in houses
Two Bosnian Serb cousins, Milan and Sredoje Lukic,
have been jailed for locking more than 100 Muslims
in two houses and burning them alive.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/wires/2009/07/20/bosnian-serbs-convicted-o_1_ws_241286.html

 

Historic information regarding the conflicts in the Balkans and Yugoslavia



Adolf Hitler and the Colonial History of the Balkans

[ame="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z2vZPj16FoY"]YouTube - ‪Adolf Hitler and the Colonial History of the Balkans‬‏[/ame]


The History of the Republic of Srpska

[ame="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o_2vtw_lYk0"]YouTube - ‪The History of the Republic of Srpska‬‏[/ame]

 

Are you trying to accuse me of lying, Fini? We're forgetting 1992 and conveniently not paying attn to chronology, aren't we?

Or this camp maybe?

Combination of our links (yours and mine) proves that all sides practiced the cruelest methods of dealing with an enemy nation(s).

Besides sporadicly burning people alive, some Muslims in Bosnia enjoyed in a ritual beheading of the prisoners.

However, this two individuals you mentioned above, who committed such a crime against at the time enemy nation, are absolute disgrace to Serbian nation and deserve IMO life time prison. War criminals who are proven to be guilty in front of the court shouldn't be protected and they impose constant threat to society no matter where they reside.

Now, this all was off topic, but I consider that some things should be addressed no matter what.

Can we now all stay on topic 'cause it's super interesting subject we deal with. I'm here and ready to debate anyone who has a proof to initial claim.
Thank you

 

DISSECTION OF SERBIAN PROPAGANDA

Dobrica Cosic Former Serbian President “We lie to deceive ourselves, to console others; we lie for mercy, we lie to fight fear, to encourage ourselves, to hide our and somebody else’s misery. We lie for love and honesty. We lie because of freedom. Lying ie is the trait of our patriotism and the proof of our innate smartness. We lie creatively, imaginatively, inventively.”

 

Saturday, March 15, 2008
UNDER THE HOLY LIME TREE:The Inculcation of Neurotic & Psychotic Syndromes as a Serbian Wartime Strategy
This article by Dr. Sabrina P. Ramet looks at some of the recurrent themes in Serbian propaganda 1986—95, examining their operation in inculcating collective neurotic and psychotic syndromes and noting the relevance of those syndromes for the war against Croatia and Bosnia, 1991—95. It also is relevant to Kosovo Issue. here are some of her points:
Six pivotal themes in Serbian propaganda are examined:

1. Victimization, in which Serbs were constructed as collective victims first of the NDH, then of Tito’s Yugoslavia, and more specifically of Croats, Albanians, Bosnians, and other non-Serbs.

2. Dehumanization of designated ‘others’, in which Croats were depicted as ‘genocidal’ and as ‘Ustaše’, Bosnians were portrayed as ‘fanatical fundamentalists’, and Albanians were represented as not fully human. These processes of dehumanization effectively removed these designated ‘others’ from the moral field, sanctifying their murder or expulsion.

3. Belittlement, in which Serbia’s enemies were represented as
beneath contempt.

4. Conspiracy, in which Croats, Slovenes, Albanians, the Vatican,
Germany, Austria, and sometimes also the Bosnians as well as the U.S. and other foreign states, were seen as united in a conspiracy to break up the SFRY and hurt Serbia. In this way, the Belgrade regime’s obstinate disregard for the fundamental standards of international law was dressed up as heroic defiance of an anti-Serb conspiracy.

5. Entitlement, in which the Serbs were constructed as ‘entitled’ to create a Greater
Serbian state to which parts of Croatia and Bosnia would be attached, under the motto,’ All Serbs should live in one state.’

6. Superhuman powers and divine sanction. The Serbs were told that they were, in some sense, “super”. They were the best fighters on the planet, they could stand up to the entire world, and they were sanctioned by God himself, because of Tsar Lazar and the fact that Lazar had chosen the heavenly kingdom. Moreover, since Lazar had chosen the heavenly kingdom, the Serbs, encouraged to view themselves as Lazar’s heirs, were entitled to the earthly kingdom which Lazar had repudiated, as their patrimony.

 

INTRODUCTION
Were we to construct a psychological profile of an individual who viewed himself as a perennial victim of various contemptible ‘others’ who had sought to overcome their inferiority by uniting in a conspiracy against him and who considered himself’ entitled’ to vastly more than was his lot, and who was determined to punish the conspirators and take their possessions, we would say that the person in question was a paranoid schizophrenic with neurotic or psychotic delusions. We would also conclude that he could be dangerous to those coming into contact with him. Where individuals are concerned, aggressive behavior is generally dysfunctional, but formations going to war, heightened aggressiveness may be all too functional. It is for
this reason that nations setting out on premeditated wars of conquest – and what wars of conquest are not premeditated? – are apt to adopt a calculated policy of inculcating mass paranoid schizophrenia in the public. The media can readily be used to make paranoia mainstream, and as paranoia becomes mainstream, it becomes ever harder for citizens to resist its snares, temptations, and over- simplifications.
A further conclusion may also be inferred, viz., that if one can define collective syndromes which reveal a society’s lapses into mental illness, then one can define what characteristics are constitutive of a society’s good mental health and outline at least the rudiments of such policies and structures as are conducive to such health.

 

A THEORY OF LIBIDINAL POLITICS
I find myself intrigued by the possibility of placing Max Weber’s ideal types of legitimate authority alongside Sigmund Freud’s theory of the human psyche. I shall take it for granted that my readers are familiar with these respective theories and shall not waste any space explaining what should be common knowledge. Rather, on the basis of this assumed acquaintance, I wish to suggest that one might posit three sets of pairs: traditional authority + the superego (understanding that both appeal to sacred and/or bequeathed moral codes), bureaucratic authority + the ego (viewing this as the ‘secular’ domain, in which the bureaucracy, like the ego, replicates patterns it has established over time), and charismatic authority + the libido (viewing both charisma and the libido as reservoirs of trans-rational energy, and independent motivation, which may unleash creative and destructive drives
alike). In the case of an individual, psychological health entails a balance among these three facets; when balance is lost, psychological health suffers. A parallel claim may be registered in terms of sources of authority in a modern state, which is to say that in a modern state, there must be a balance among traditional authority, the secular state, and libidinal values, with the former two working to keep the latter in check, without, however, extinguishing them. The particular power of a charismatic leader or a leader appealing to charismatic/libidinal values (such as national expansionism) is to tap into the collective libido, pushing society into an excited state. This is the realm of pain and pleasure, in which the pains of the past are the most keenly felt and in which fantasies of national “salvation” and triumph
– those two being often equated – are the most pleasurable. When a society is at the height of libidinal fever, it is like a man driven wild with sexual frenzy: rational judgment is suspended, cost-benefit analysis is held in contempt if it is regarded at all, and all that remains is the collective lust for satisfaction.
But the more the libido is fed, the larger it grows in proportion to the ego and the superego, until the latter two are either subverted or reduced to marginality – or both. The charismatic leader, thus, serves up a libidinal fare and enjoys what might, alternatively, be called ‘libidinal authority’. Because his authority is libidinal, rather than based on sacred or secular-bureaucratic legitimating, it is more dependent upon producing sensations of pleasure (triumph, expansion, defiance of stronger powers, the infliction of suffering on ‘enemy’ nations and groups, etc.). When a libidinal leader ceases to be able to serve up the promised pleasures, his power crumbles. The speed with which it crumbles is, of course, a contingent fact, which depends on various factors, including the level of economic deterioration of the society, the magnitude of his gamble (and hence of his failure), and the loyalty of the army and police forces. The last mentioned factor cannot be underestimated; indeed, as long as the army and police are loyal, a libidinal leader can weather many storms (Libya’s Qaddafi, for example, survived the missile attack on his palace authorized by US President Reagan in the mid-1980s and even cut back on his support to international terrorism after that, without losing his grip on power). But a libidinal leader unable to pleasure his society is a leader utterly without authority of any kind.
What should be stressed is that a society which has been mobilized along libidinal lines develops symptoms of collective neurosis or collective psychosis. This concept is well known in psychoanalytic and psychological literature. Quite apart from Freud’s use of the concept of collective neurosis in The Future of an Illusion, one can also point to theories about collective psychosis developed by Robert Waelder and to the work on collective paranoia carried out by Roderick Kramer and David Messick. For that matter, collective mental states were also elaborated by Emile Durkheim. Societies, like individuals, do not develop psychoses or paranoias spontaneously; Samuel A. Guttman, “Robert Waelder and the Application of Psychoanalytic Principles to Social and Political Phenomena”, in Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, there are always histories, situations, triggers, and the like. In the case of societies, the role of intellectuals and political leaders cannot be ignored.
What occurred in Serbia in the years 1981—87 could be described as a massive tectonic shift in which perceptions, values, and expectations changed dramatically, preparing the way for Slobodan Miloševiæ’s seizure of power within the Serbian party apparatus and his launching of his abortive ‘anti-bureaucratic revolution’. Even the terminology here is significant: a libidinal leader inevitably finds himself at war with the quasi-rationalism of bureaucracies. But the 1980s were also years in which Serbs increasingly revisited the past, raising questions about the prison camps at Goli Otok and Lepoglava, about Tito’s establishment of Kosovo as an autonomous province, about the removal of factories from Serbia to the highlands in Slovenia and Croatia at the height of the Stalin-Tito conflict, and about the denigration of Draža Mihailoviæ and his Chetniks by Tito-era historiography, and parading the bones of Tsar Dušan in a macabre clerical demonstration of national commitment.
Particularly poisonous was Vasilije Kresti’s 1986 article, “On the Origin of the
Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia”, which argued that the “genocide against the Serbs in [Ustaša] Croatia is a specific phenomenon in our [Serbian] centuries-old common life with the Croats. The protracted development of the genocidal idea in certain centers of Croatian society…[which] did not necessarily have some narrow – but rather a broad – base, took deep roots in the consciousness of many generations [of Croats].”
Where Tito-era historiography had vilified both the Ustaše and the Chetniks, Serbian historiography after 1983 increasingly sought to rehabilitate the Chetniks, while ignoring the roles played by Ljoti and Nedi and exaggerating the numbers of Serbs dying during World War Two. The result was that the Croatian fascists took on ever darker hues in the thinking of both Serbian intellectuals and the Serbian public at this time, while corresponding Serbian renegades were either whitewashed or disappeared from view. This phenomenon is known to psychologists as dysphonic rumination, which
is defined as “the tendency for individuals to unhappily reimagine, rethink, and relive pleasant or unpleasant events…[resulting in an] increase [in] negative thinking about those events and contribut[ing] to a pessimistic explanatory style when trying to explain them.”
Dysphoric rumination is considered a contributory factor to paranoid cognition.
It was also in the mid-1980s that Vladimir Dedijer and others began to ruminate about a Vatican-Comintern conspiracy, to which various other states were said to have subscribed. This increasing tendency to treat the Vatican, Germany, Austria, and other states as enemies, even before the breakup of 1991, culminated in Miloševi’s claim in a public speech in November 1988 – astounding some of his listeners – that “Serbia’s enemies outside the country are plotting against it, along with those in[side] the country.”
To the extent that such claims became part of the public discourse of Serbian society in the late 1980s, one may say that Serbia was increasingly given to exaggerated perceptions of conspiracy. As Kramer and Messick note, this tendency involves the overestimation of “…the extent to which [the group’s] perceived out-group enemies or adversaries are engaged in coordinated
and concerted hostile or malevolent actions against them.”
In the latter half of the 1980s, Serbs were also repeatedly hearing (and believing) reports of Albanian rapes of Serbian women, the revival of Ustaša mentality among Croats, and the like, with not only Croats and Kosovar Albanians, but also the Hungarians of Vojvodina and the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina cast as villains in rumors. What interests me here is not the question of the extent to which one or another rumor had some truth to it, but rather the composite character of the deluge of rumors which – seemingly uniformly – attributed ill intentions to the non-
Serbs of Yugoslavia. This syndrome, known as sinister attribution error, involves the “…tendency…to over attribute hostile intentions and malevolent motives to others.” And, given the foregoing, Serbs increasingly felt the need to be vigilant about their co-ethnics in Kosovo and Croatia especially. These concerns were effusively articulated in the infamous Memorandum drafted by members of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art and leaked to the press in September 1986; according to the ‘Memorandum’, the federal system had been designed by Tito specifically to weaken Serbia, neither Bosnia-Herzegovina nor Montenegro had any legitimate claim to republic status, and the threat then posed to the Serbs of Croatia by their Croatian neighbors (in what was still communist-ruled Croatia) could only be compared to the fascist depredations of the NDH!

 

The Serbian Writers’ Association on the Francuska ulica in Belgrade began to host weekly meetings to discuss the tribulations of the Serbs, and books and special issues of magazines were published detailing the situation of Serbs in Kosovo. Serbia, thus, slid into a habit of hyper vigilant social information processing, a dangerous habit, in which every move taken by Croats, Albanians, and Muslims, was subjected to scrutiny and given potentially enormous significance. One more element is needed in the equation – the belief in a just world. This belief, hypothesized by M. J. Lerner, involves people’s need to believe that the world is basically just and that people get what they deserve. In the late 1980s, this belief fueled nationalist Serbs’ confidence that they would get what they thought they deserved – a Greater Serbia, in which few non-Serbs would remain. As the nationalist discourse became dominant, justice was increasingly understood in terms of the national program.
The aforementioned reactions – dysphoric rumination, exaggerated perceptions of conspiracy, sinister attribution error, and hyper vigilant social information processing – are associated, according to Kramer and Messick, with collective paranoia, manifested in social alienation, heightened antagonism toward others, and an attitude of hostility toward the outside world.

To the extent that Serbian society already manifested these symptoms by the late 1980s, it was already susceptible to the themes of Serbian war propaganda and vulnerable to manipulation. Fearful of the gathering conspiracies which it fancied were being concocted by its enemies and ever more troubled by the evolving memories of the national past, and perhaps especially of the sufferings associated with World War Two, Serbian society was receptive to a libidinal leader who would lift the weight from their shoulders and give Serbs what they “justly” deserved.
Perhaps Serbs might even experience the fulfillment of their historical aspirations, once associated, by Serb followers of Slovak Ljudevit Štúr and Czech Jan Kollár, with the unification of Slavs “under the holy Slav lime-tree.”

REDESIGNING THE EGO
How does a nation view itself and its place in the world? To the extent that one may speak of a national ‘ego’ or self-identity of the nation, that ego may become the subject of conscious manipulation, aiming at the redefinition and redesigning of the national ego itself. Insofar as the national ego, the self-identity of a nation, includes concepts of its relationship to other nations and its attitude toward those living within its territory, any redesign of the national ego will have consequences for issues of democracy vs. authoritarianism.
In the course of the 1980s and 1990s, Serbia’s myth-makers, whether literary figures such as Dobrica Osi or ordinary propagandists, painted Serbia in ever grander hues. Here was a Serbia existing beyond time and space,a Serbia simultaneously non-European and the most European of all, a Serbia standing guard over the most important spiritual values against the shallow materialism “of the extortionist- atheistic and demonic international community,” a Serbia which, in its dreams of “complete separation” from this decadent world, went into orbit as the tenth planet of the solar system – “the Serbian planet”.

As Ivan Olovi has recounted in a brilliant work first published in 1997, the Serbian national political myth – which is to say, the set of propositions in wide circulation in Serbia – holds that Serbia is the oldest nation in the world, the nation from which all other nations developed, so that, as Relja Novakovi has urged, the peoples inhabiting states “from Great Britain to India” may ultimately trace their national origin back to the Serbian Urvolk.
Serbs were wont to boast about their martial prowess and about their fierceness in battle,but also claimed some special advantage in the sexual realm as well. As Danilo Kiš put it, in a gloss on a poem written by Jan Kollár,

“[O]ther peoples have good fortune, tradition, erudition, history, ratio, but genitals are ours alone.”

And hence, the Serbian Insurrectionary War (1991—95) offered the prospect of the dawn of a new age for all of Europe, if not for the entire world. Serbia, compared variously (in the pages of Pravoslavlje and Književne novine ) to Job, to the Jewish people, even to Christ himself, offered itself as the new savior. And just as Christ had to die on the cross, in order to rise again after three days, to claim his place in the Kingdom of Heaven, so too Serbia, whose tsar, Lazar, had renounced the earthly kingdom for a heavenly one in 1389, had to wait for six centuries before rising again, to claim its earthly kingdom, earned through long suffering. This grandiose redesign of the national ego was, at the same time, libidinal in nature in that it began the process of unleashing the energies of the libido and bringing about the conquest of the national ego by the nationalist libido. The claim that “All Serbs should live in one state” was, moreover, not universalizable, because it was premised on the notion that lands with mixed populations (Serbs and non-Serbs) should be assigned to the Serbian national state rather than to the national state of one or another non-Serb nation. This claim was, thus, a claim to unique entitlement, a claim which could be registered only in the realm of the libido.
As the national myth gained in strength, Serbian society became convinced of
its unique role in history,its special suffering, and its entitlement to realize “heavenly Serbia” on earth. As Lerner noted in 1987, this entitlement “…is experienced affectively and motivationally as an imperative, a sense of requiredness between the actor’s perceived outcomes and the person’s attributes or acts.”
Or, to put it another way, as the 1980s wore on, Serbia was reaching the point that Raskolnikov reached in Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment as he reflected on whether he occupied some unique niche in the moral universe. But for Serbia, as for Raskolnikov, there were moral reservations to the fateful breach of the moral order – expressed by the Serbian students who bravely marched on the streets of Belgrade on 9 March 1991 or by the anti-war protestors led by Patriarch Pavle on 14 June 1992, who demanded that Miloševiæ resign. But these reservations, though significant, did not carry the day. The Super-Ego would be stilled.

 

THE STILLING OF THE SUPER-EGO

The processes of instilling in Serbs feelings of victimization and of entitlement to grandeur, and of their uniqueness, and of fears of various sorts of conspiracies against them were not all orchestrated. Neither the Serbian Church’s “Appeal on Behalf of the Serbian Residents of Kosovo and Their Holy Shrines” (of 1982) nor the SANU Memorandum (of 1986) was part of a strategy orchestrated by the political establishment; the former came on the initiative of some of the priests in the Church, while the latter was the result of the autonomous decision taken by the Academy at a time when the ruling party of Serbia (a branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia) was still holding to the line that “every nationalism is (potentially) dangerous.” But after Miloševiæ’s seizure of power in the Serbian party in late 1987, that party quickly took up the tasks dictated by that Memorandum and at that point, the continuation of these processes of ‘neuroticization’ or even ‘psychotici-zation’ of the Serbian public became a matter of official policy. Not only were the Serbs unique among the peoples of the planet, even constituting in some extra- spatial sense, their own planet, but they enjoyed the special favor of God. In talking of ‘heavenly Serbia’, the clerics of the Serbian Orthodox Church laid claim to divine sanction for the program of Serbian territorial expansionism and, in the pages of Pravoslavlje, offered historical arguments for Serbian annexation of portions of eastern Slavonia. Later, it would even be claimed that God had specifically bequeathed Bosnia to the Serbs.
Karadžiæ himself claimed to be doing God’s work and was, in turn, described by Dragan Nedeljkovi as “one of the heroes of this end of the twentieth century.”
But in spite of these changes to the national ego, which – as is well known – came at a time of shrinking economic capacities and general economic crisis, the collective ‘super-ego’ remained, as already mentioned, an obstacle even though, by early 1990, if not before, Miloševiæ had decided on war against Croatia and perhaps also other republics.
To convert an already fearful population into soldiers prepared to fight against their former neighbors and friends (often in a literal sense), they had to be released from moral constraints and infused with hatred for the target peoples. As wasi noted in a widely read work of fiction, “[D]riven by hatred, all men will fight…; hatred is the force which gathers and unites all energies.”
Moral disengagement, as Albert Bandura, a widely respected expert on the subject, noted in a 1999 article, can be achieved through a combination of displacement of responsibility (with, in this case, the Miloševiæ government assuming moral responsibility for the war), diffusion of responsibility (so that harm can always be attributed to the agency of others or to peer pressure), distortion of the consequences (aptly represented by the Bosnian Serb newspaper Javnost’ s representation of the massacre at Srebrenica as the “cleansing of a blot on the map”), and, perhaps above all, dehumanization and demonization.
In Serbian war propaganda, as is well known, Croats were routinely described as fascistic and genocidal by nature, referred to as “Ustaše”, and accused of wanting to revive the NDH (a charge which was true of some Croats, to be sure, but not of the majority of Croats). In the eyes of Serb propagandists, all Bosnian Muslims were “Islamic fundamentalists” and all Albanians were “rapists” and secessionists. Demonization specifically makes it possible for perpetrators of atrocities to maintain a positive self-image even while victimizing innocent civilians – on the argument that “no one is innocent.”

Thus, paradoxically, Serb nationalists engaged in the war typically upheld two contradictory theses: that they themselves were innocent victims of Croats, Albanians, Bosnian Muslims, et al., and that all sides were guilty and no one innocent! Since they never uttered these sentences sequentially, the blatant absurdity of this belief system was never, as far as I am aware, exposed by the media of any nation. Even the demonization of Germany for its alleged responsibility in plotting the dismantlement of socialist Yugoslavia and for its alleged culpability in starting the war in the first place through its advocacy of the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia (after the outbreak of hostilities) played a useful role in Serbian war propaganda. As Voltaire later Serbian claim that the tensions between Croats and Croatian Serbs began only after the election of Franjo Tudjman to the Croatian presidency is therefore contrary to fact. once said, “Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”
We know that the process of moral disengagement was still far from complete at the time the war broke out (it was, in fact, never complete as such), because many of the JNA soldiers expressed confusion as to why they were suddenly fighting their fellow ‘Yugoslavs’, while many others went AWOL, even fleeing the country, rather than serve in the subsequent war against the Zagreb government. But several processes contributed to further stilling the stirrings of the Super-Ego.
First, as the violence continued, it became part of the daily routine, it became unsurprising and many people ceased to be as shocked and outraged as they were when the fighting first broke out.
Second, the role of some of the hierarchy of the Serbian Orthodox Church in sanctioning the violence first in Croatia and later in Bosnia-Herzegovina made a significant contribution toward moral desensitization. After all, if some of the official guardians of spirituality and morality have no qualms about supporting the war, why should ordinary Serbs worry about it? Moreover, insofar as the Church placed itself, thus, in alliance first with the Miloševi regime and then with Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadžiæ, the classic syndrome of the agentic state came into play. Experiments conducted by S. Milgram more than 30 years ago demonstrated that the desire of individuals to obey and please authorities is often sufficient to override moral reservations, even in the absence of any feelings of having been victimized by those on whom the experimental subject was prepared to inflict harm.
In the agentic state, individuals do not abandon their moral principles. Rather, they engage in moral rationalization, thereby convincing themselves that their actions are, in spite of appearances to the contrary, consistent with their core moral standards.
Other processes used to dull the moral sense include(d) the use of euphemistic language (in which mass murder and the forcible expulsion of non-Serbs were prettified by the term ‘ethnic cleansing’), advantageous comparison (in which Muslims and Croats were said to have behaved far worse than the Serbs: for example, Patriarch Pavle joined Karadžiæ in claiming that there had been no rape camps operated by Serbs and no systematic rapes carried out by Serbs, even while accusing Croats and Muslims of having done precisely those things), diffusion or displacement of responsibility, and instances of blaming the victim. The last mentioned tactic was employed not only in the obvious sense of claiming that, for example, Tudjman’s firing of Serbs from positions in the police justified an insurrection against Zagreb, but also in the more brazen sense of actually blaming the victims for the atrocities which they suffered. Thus, in Serbian propaganda, it was the Croats themselves who had rocketed Tudjman’s presidential palace in 1991, it was the Croats themselves who had laid siege to the port city of Dubrovnik and were shelling the Croatian seaside town of Šibenik, it was the Muslims themselves who had fired upon their own co-ethnics in the Pirkala marketplace in 1994, and it was the Muslims themselves who had carried out the massacre at Srebrenica with the help of German and American operatives.
The Serbs even had an explanation for the alleged, consistent idiocy of their antagonists: they did these things in order to make the Serbs look bad.
These various methods of moral rationalization and disengagement had some unintended side-effects.
The first was that the habituation to violence led to an escalation of violence within the family, with husbands beating wives and fathers beating children.
Second, moral disengagement made it impossible to return to the behaviors and patterns of the pre-war days. As Jo-Ann Tsang explains, in an article published in the Review of General Psychology, “…the commission of immoral behavior makes it more costly [in terms of self-image] to act morally in the future, increasing the likelihood of further evil.”
After all, to take pride in subscribing to an ethic of, let us say, non-violence, is virtually impossible for someone who has established a persona based on killing large numbers of “enemies of the nation.”

 

UNLEASHING THE LIBIDO
If modern warfare may be thought of as a libidinal state, then mobilizing people for war requires more than redesigning the national ego and stilling the super-ego. It also involves and requires an unleashing of the energies of the libido in the service of the national fantasy. As I have already noted, the process of unleashing the libido began simultaneously with the redesigning of the national ego, indeed was, from the beginning, an essential part of the Serb nationalist strategy of transforming the mood, values, expectations, hopes, ambitions, and thinking of ordinary Serbs.
Sometimes the libidinal character of Serbian war propaganda was implicit, for example when Vuk Draškovic said of the Serbian Army, “This is an army with the soul of a girl, the behavior of a priest, and the heart of Obilic.”
At other times, sexuality was made explicit, whether through the use of highly attractive young women dressed in uniform to beguile young men into associating war with sex or by explicitly advising young men that soldiers were sexually attractive to young women or through the sublimation of sexuality into the fetish of weapons, as in the refrain, “My companion is my rifle,…My bride is now my cartridge belt.”
But, as Freud knew, the libido embraces much more than just sexuality, and war finds its libidinal character not just in sex, but in violence itself. Richard Morrock notes how “in lynch mobs…[t]he killers do not look like people forced to take unpleasant measures in order to protect their communities from criminals – their own rationalizations for their sadistic acts. Instead, they look like they are having a good time.”
The positive pleasure experienced in violence is reinforced by moral inversion (in which the Serbs imagined themselves as “remnants of a slaughtered people”, as Serbian writer Matija Beèkoviæ put it) and by the belittlement of one’s antagonists. Again this results in paradox: if one’s enemies are threatening demons, how can they be fools? Or if they are fools, how can they be taken seriously as demons? But propaganda does not have to be consistent to be effective. On the contrary, by playing on contradictory themes, propaganda may actually be more effective than if it were entirely consistent.
Here the psychiatrists of both Belgrade and Zagreb played their part in creating belittling national stereotypes. Zagreb psychiatrists E. Klein and M. Jakovljevi both portrayed Serbs as suffering from a collective inferiority complex, with the latter attributing patterns of “pathological possessiveness” to the Serbs as a nation. Belgrade psychiatrist J. Maric, for his part, found ( in a work published in 1998 ) that Serbs were well-meaning and pacifist and had “never resorted to bad-mouthing or vilifying other peoples,” while Croats were allegedly “egoistic” and were “not keen on giving themselves to other human beings” having been “enslaved by objects” (unlike the Serbs).
Jovan Raškovic, at one time professor of psychiatry at the University of Belgrade and the later co-founder of the Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia, famously discovered that Croats were, as a people, suffering from a castration complex, living in fear that “something terrible” was going to happen to them and irrationally “afraid of being deceived.” Judging that Serbs had “aggressive oedipal traits,” Raškoviæ concluded that “people who have a castration type of personality structure are obsessed by a fear of those who have aggressive oedipal traits.”
But belittlement need not be confined to national groups, as proven by the Serbian propaganda machine’s charge that Tudjman had tried to kill himself “in order to spite Serbia.” Of course, this portrayed Tudjman simultaneously as self- destructive and as a bungler unable even to kill himself; in combination, this suggested that Tudjman was an unworthy adversary. Moreover, it is well known that in rape situations, it is common for the rapist to insult and disparage his victim, thereby communicating to her that she “deserved” to be raped.
Nationalism does not have to assume a libidinal form, perhaps not even in war.
But in order to conduct an offensive war it is a huge advantage if those engaged in it, first, actively, even passionately, deny the fact of the war’s being offensive, and second, succumb to a libidinal fever in which the murder of one’s adversaries becomes both pleasurable and the object of cult worship. One need only think of the cult which grew up around Serbian war “hero” Željko Ražnjatoviæ ‘Arkan’ to see the point. And yet, this embrace of Thanatos and Libido – death instinct and life instinct – at one and the same time banishes the nation to a “spectral” world occupying the twilight between life and death. Indeed, in the species of “eroticism”, if that is the word, represented by a well-known (to Serbs) poem by Desanka Maksimoviæ, Love exists only if it is deprived of touch, only in some sentimental, trashy suffering, from a distance, which is, however, the condition of [the] possibility of love, since [the] very closeness, every touch, deadens love; the body is the death of the life of love, the other is loved only as apparition, only as the spectre that is held at a distance: “Oh no, do not approach, I want from [a] distance to love and kiss these two eyes of yours”; in fact, we are not bodies at all, we are not alive either, we are somehow un-dead (to say nothing about the fact that the dead themselves can also approach us)…[O]ur bodies are not alive, or [rather], they are living graves; they are not in any way a source of enjoyment, and that is why the love relation should be spectral, un-dead.

 

CONCLUSION
Serbian society began to stray down the path to war more or less unwittingly.Already in the years 1981—86, long before the other republics experienced anything like a ‘national awakening’, Serbia (and here one may include Kosovo too) was already sliding into a syndrome in which myths, threats, the allure of victory, and belligerent rhetoric filled the public discourse, giving Serbs a sense of common destiny but also separating them, psychologically, from the other peoples of socialist Yugoslavia. That this was an unhealthy state of collective mind is clear from the prominence of the themes of victimization, conspiracy, national entitlement, and divine sanction of the Serbian national project, as well as from the insistent campaigns of dehumanization, demonization, and belittlement of Croats, Bosnian Muslims, and Albanians, as well as other peoples and states, which began at this time. This syndrome, in an individual, would be considered psychotic; to the extent that it permeated much of Serbian society, perhaps especially in the countryside, one may speak of Serbia having been sucked into a kind of collective psychosis. And to the extent that Serbian war propaganda aimed at reinforcing and stimulating this state of mind, we may say that it aimed at inculcating and reinforcing neurotic and psychotic syndromes in Serbian society. This psychosis had its cultic saints – portraitsof Miloševiæ and Chetnik leader Draža Mihailoviæ were often displayed alongside those of saints canonized by the Church – had its bards (such as Simonida Stankoviæ and Ceca Ražnjatoviæ), and even had its official music – “turbo-folk”, a pop mixtureof folk-ethnic style with a rhythmic pounding beat. Moreover, this psychosis could even transport those infected to a state of consciousness which they mistook for a better world. Miloševi, for example, arriving dramatically at Kosovo polje in a helicopter on 28 June 1989, told those gathered for the six hundredth anniversary of Serbia’s mythic confrontation with its national destiny, that in that the - century battle, Serbia had defended not just herself but all of European culture and civilization. Fine oratory might even be called the elixir of national psychosis.
Here,one may recall what Socrates said to Menexenus on the subject:
O Menexenus! Death in battle is certainly in many respects a noble thing. The dead man gets a fine and costly funeral, although he may have been poor, and an elaborate speech is made over him by a wise man who has long ago prepared what he has to say…In every conceivable form they [the speakers] praise the city, and they praise those who died in war, and all our ancestors who went before us, and they praise ourselves also who are still alive, until I feel quite elevated by their laudations, and I stand listening to their words, Mexexenus, and become enchanted by them, and all in a moment I imagine myself to have become a greater and nobler and finer man than I was before. And if, as often happens, there are any foreigners who accompany me to the speech, I become suddenly conscious of having [the experience of] a sort of triumph over them, and they seem to experience a corresponding feeling of admiration at me, and at the greatness of the city, which appears to them, when they are under the influence of the speaker, more wonderful than ever. This consciousness of dignity lasts me more than three days, and not until the fourth or fifth day do I come to my senses and know where I am – in the meantime, I have been living in the Islands of the Blessed. Or, one might say, under the holy lime tree.

 

SERBIAN PSYCHIATRIC GENOCIDE OF NON - SERBS !!!


PSYCHIATRIC GENOCIDE
How the Barbarities of ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Were Spawned by Psychiatry
By Patricia Forestier


“I feel responsible because I made the preparations for this war, even if not the military preparations. If I hadn’t created this emotional strain in the Serbian people, nothing would have happened.

“My party and I lit the fuse of Serbian nationalism not only in Croatia but everywhere else in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It’s impossible to imagine an SDP (Serbian Democratic Party) in Bosnia-Herzegovina or a Mr. Karadzic in power without our influence. We have driven this people and we have given it an identity. I have repeated again and again to this people that it comes from heaven, not earth.”

The above declaration was made by Jovan Raskovic, psychiatrist, on the independent “Yutel” television channel in Belgrade. It was published in the Vreme and Vjeskik newspapers on January 24, 1992 — two months before the war broke out in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

A few months later, Raskovic died from a heart attack in Belgrade.

His work had been done. With fellow psychiatrist Radovan Karadzic, he had whipped the Serbs into a frenzy and set the stage for the Balkans’ biggest bloodbath since the area was occupied by the Nazis in World War II.

Twin Brothers of the Balkans: Contrary to circulated reports, the Serbs and the Croats have not always been at odds and are not peoples devoted to genocide.

Indeed, as Slavic peoples, they are twin brothers from the time they lived together in the remote regions of what are today Poland and Czechoslovakia. Together, they traveled south at the start of the 7th Century, settling in the Balkan Peninsula, in an area called Illyria, part of the Eastern Roman Empire.

That is why they are called Yugoslavians, meaning “South Slavs.”

The indigenous populations, partly Romanized, were pushed out or slowly absorbed.

The Croats became Roman Catholics and the Serbs became Eastern Orthodox. Together, they had to deal with various invasions. Their history, until this century, was one of subjugation by two empires and a gradual emancipation conducted, if not jointly, at least without animosity.

The Bosnians are also Southern Slavs. They came from central Europe around the same time as the Serbs and Croats and settled in the territory of today’s Bosnia-Herzegovina. Although originally primarily Christians, like the Catholic Croats and the Orthodox Serbs, the majority of Bosnians converted gradually to Islam after the arrival of the Ottoman Turks in the Balkans.

By the 1500s, the Ottomans had taken over most of the Balkans.

For centuries, in the south, most of the Serbs, the Bulgarians, the Macedonian Slavs, the Albanians and the Bosnians were under their dominion.

In the north, the Slovenians, most of the Croats, and the regions of Slavonia and Vojvodina became part of the Austrian Empire.

The Slavs suffered more under the Ottoman Empire than under the Austrian Empire, leading to a significant emigration of Serbs to the west and the north, along the borders of today’s Croatia and Vojvodina.

“Yugoslavia” Forms: This phenomenon of Serbian emigration was encouraged by the Austrians, since the Serbs provided a buffer against Turkish invasions. The Serbs enjoyed a rather privileged status at the time.

Later, at the beginning of the 19th century, the Serbs were the first to emancipate themselves from the Ottomans.

After Napoleon’s victory in 1809 at Wagram over the Austrians, he annexed part of the region of Illyria along the northeastern coast of the Adriatic Sea and the ideas of the French Revolution reached the Balkans. This was the era in which the idea of a united “Yugoslavia” took hold, federating all newly independent Southern Slavs.

At the time, the Serbs were the leaders of the movement to free the Slavs. They were admired by all subjugated peoples on the Balkans.

The movement for unity was interrupted on June 28, 1914, when Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo in Bosnia by a young Serb. The resulting turmoil brought about the First World War.

After the war, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and the Slovenes was formed from the former Slavic provinces. This name was later changed to Yugoslavia.

THESE MEN PLUNGED YUGOSLAVIA INTO A BLOODBATH :
http://www.limundo.com/slika-LUDA-ZEMLJA-Jovan-Raskovic--1403937x640.jpg
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_s6zY8-yAu...FSEgZhWfy8/s320/Slobodan-Milosevic-ICTY-3.jpg
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikiped...7121758!Evstafiev-Radovan_Karadzic_3MAR94.jpg
The devastation in the region can be traced to the actions of psychiatrists Jovan Raskovic (First pictuere) and Radovan Karadzic (third), as well as Slobodan Milosevic (second photo), a close friend of Karadzic’s and reportedly his former patient.

 

Psychiatric Atrocities Begin Under Nazi Domination: In 1941, Yugoslavia was invaded by the Nazis and divided between Germany, Italy and a small local group of fascists put into power by the Nazis called the Ustashi.
The “Independence State of Croatia” was created and became an ally of the Axis Powers (Germany, Italy and Japan) during World War II.
During this period, Croatia’s minister of the interior, Andrija Artukovic, carried out “racial purity” programs against Serbs, Jews, Gypsies and other ethnic minorities in alignment with the Nazi campaigns of “racial purity” — campaigns which were spawned and led by Nazi psychiatrists.1
Artukovic had more than 20 concentration camps constructed in Croatia and had hundreds of thousands of people tortured or executed.
The victims of this “cleansing” were 600,000 Serbs, Jews, Gypsies, Croats, Muslims and virtually anyone who didn’t agree to cooperate with the Nazis. They were exterminated by the Ustashi in the name of psychiatric theories.
After the war, a resistance leader, Marshal Tito, unified Yugoslavia, imposing a communist government which lasted for more than 40 years.
After the death of Tito in 1980, a number of politicians, including Dobrica Cosic and Slobodan Milosevic, vied for power.

“Greater Serbia”: Dobrica Cosic had been a militant communist, currying an image he had created as a fighter during World War II. However, after Tito’s death, Cosic quickly understood that communism as administered by Tito no longer had a future in Yugoslavia.
In 1986, Cosic, a member of the academy of Sciences in Belgrade and several other prominent academics published what they called the “Memorandum.”
This 20-page booklet was the statement of intent and organizational plan for the creation of an independent “Greater Serbia” from portions of Yugoslavia.
Cosic has been the president of the Yugoslavian Federation (consisting of Serbia and Montenegro) since 1992.
Slobodan Milosevic, leader of the Communist Party in Serbia, began to play on Serbian nationalism and the call for a Greater Serbia.
His rising popularity with the Serbs followed his comments in 1987 which inflamed Serbs in the Yugoslavian state of Kosovo and later led to protests and strikes by local Serbs which Milosevic openly supported and encouraged.
Kosovo, located in the south of Serbia, has a population which is about 90 percent Albanian.
The Man Who Lit the Fuse: Jovan Raskovic was a Croatian Serb, a friend of Cosic and a member of the Communist Party (renamed the Serbian Socialist party). Earlier in his career, he had publicly supported Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin against Tito.
Raskovic was also a psychiatrist, practicing at the Neuropsychiatric Clinic in Sibenik, Croatia, near the southern border of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
In 1990, Raskovic became a member of the Academy of Sciences of Serbia, where he joined Cosic and others who had signed the Memorandum.

Covert Plot: The inhabitants of Raskovic’s hometown, Primosten, a city in the Bil region of Croatia, said that when the Memorandum was being written, Cosic and the others who signed the document frequently visited Raskovic’s house.
Although Raskovic helped to bring about the Memorandum, he did not sign it.
After its publication, citizens of Primosten printed an open letter to Raskovic:
“Raskovic needs to move from Bil....
“We have been profoundly humiliated by you. We hope you understand that you have no place among us.
“In our city of Primosten, as published by the press, the famous Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences was written, planning the creation of a greater Serbia. You received here the founders of the New Empire which wanted to take over the territories of others and our region almost became part of this New Empire.”

Psychiatrist of the “Mad Country”: On October 17, 1991, a colleague of Raskovic’s in Sibenik, psychiatrist Boris Zmijanovic, described Raskovic in the newspaper Nedjeljina Dalmacija:

>> “He was a practicing psychiatrist, who...used electroshocks and other sadistic psychotherapeutic methods with particular pleasure in the case of Croats, especially Croatian women. This shows what kind of man he was.” >>

In his clinic, Raskovic gave electroshocks to his patients, including children.
It was while practicing at Sibenik that Raskovic began to exalt the Croatian Serbs, telling them about horrors committed against them by the Ustashi during World War II.
To whip them into action, he spoke endlessly about the concentration camps which had been built by the Ustashi and the “genocidal instinct” of the Croatian people.
Then, in 1990, Raskovic published a book entitled Luda Zemlja (A Mad Country). After opening the book with reminders of the genocide campaign carried out against the Serbs during the Second World War and gaining the reader’s sympathy, Raskovic explains his psychoanalytic theories about the different ethnic groups in Yugoslavia — theories he claimed he had discovered from his psychiatric practice.
Raskovic stated that the Croats have a fear of castration and are afraid of everything, and therefore cannot assert themselves or exercise authority or leadership. They must therefore be “guided.”
He claimed that the Muslims have an “anal erotic fixation” and a compulsion for acquiring assets and money.
He then asserted that the Serbs are the only people ever to overcome the Oedipus complex2 and dare to stand up to and “kill” the father. Raskovic asserted that this is why the Serbs are the only group with a sense of authority and why they must exert that authority over the other Yugoslavian peoples. They must dominate them.
Raskovic hawked his book and spread his psychiatric theories throughout the country in newspapers and on television as part of a media campaign in which he was presented as the great psychiatrist and scientist of his era.

 

THE FATHER OF GENOCIDE Raskovic’s role in creating the Yugoslavian strife is similar to that played by the psychiatrist Ernst Rudin in Germany before the Second World War. Rudin instigated profound hatred for non-Aryans and provided a “scientific” foundation for the Nazis’ genocide campaign.
Raskovic’s psychiatric theories of the superiority of the Serbs and the ethnic inferiority of Muslims and Croats were used as justification for Serbs to murder and expel other ethnic groups from the former Yugoslavian states of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo and Serbia — thus “cleansing” the land of “inferior” peoples.
Top Three Leaders Were Patients of Raskovic: Raskovic created a political party in Croatia called the Serbian Democratic Party. The war was started in 1990 by members of this party.
According to Dr. Boris Zmijanovic, the three most senior leaders of the Serbian Democratic Party created before the war by Raskovic were patients of Raskovic.
Their medical files were held in the neuropsychiatric clinic of Sibenik in the department run by Raskovic. The three leaders are Milan Martic, currently minister of the interior of the self-proclaimed Serbian Republic of Croatia, Jovan Opapic and Susan Zelembaba, both Serbian leaders in Croatia.
In the same article in the newspaper Nedeljna Dalmacija, Dr. Zmijanovic further condemned his former boss:

“Without scruples, Dr. Raskovic used his patients for his political ends. He manipulated them. It is very interesting to note that the first leaders of the Serbian Democratic Party of Croatia were also Raskovic’s patients. It is not known whether the neuropsychiatrist from Sibenik turned his patients into his political students or whether he turned his political students into patients to facilitate their manipulation.

“This was a very intelligent man who unfortunately used his intelligence for a negative purpose, to be able to direct and manipulate his fellows, to push them towards aggressiveness and collective hysteria and finally toward hate.”
In 1990, Raskovic organized many public meetings in Croatia, where he addressed the Serbs as follows:

“The Serbian people have awoken, you have awoken. You are the Serbian people. No one can do anything against you now. If we need to sell our skin, we’ll sell it dearly.”

He declared, “If there is a civil war, and our heads and those of the Croats fall — and it is certain that the heads of those currently in power in Croatia will also fall — defend yourself but do not provoke since we are a peace-loving people. We have never committed genocide, the way the Croats have done against us.

AND SO WAR BEGAN ... : In August 1990, when emotional tensions reached their peak, the powder keg blew up in the Croatian town of Knin. After a few incidents subsequently admitted to have been provoked, the Raskovic Serbs attacked a police office and took the weapons they found there.
In response, the Croatian government sent in a troop of police officers, who were attacked and killed.
The partisans of the SDP then threw up roadblocks on all of the roads leading to Croatian zones harboring a majority of Serbs, forbidding access to non-Serbs.
The war had started in Croatia.
During the entire period of preparations for the war, Raskovic and all leaders of the SDP in Croatia were in constant contact with the government in Belgrade and with Milosevic.
“In fact,” stated a report from the Ministry of Information in Zagreb, “we can certify, basing ourselves on the proof at our disposal, that none of the important actions were carried out without Belgrade being informed or having granted approvals.
“To confirm this, we have discovered a number of direct and indirect contacts with the leaders in Serbia.... Jovan Raskovic was constantly in contact with Dobrica Cosic and sent him all information at his disposal. Raskovic asked Cosic to transmit his information and requests to official circles in Belgrade. He informed Cosic that the Serbs continued to arm themselves and that armaments were well monitored.”
Milan Martic, one of Raskovic’s patients and minister of the interior of the “Serbian Republic of Croatia,” declared in the news media that the president of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, had promised to arm the Serbs.
Most of these leaders subsequently left Croatia for Belgrade. Raskovic, knowing that war was about to break out in Croatia, took his daughter, a Serb like him, and his grandson to Belgrade, leaving his Croatian family in Zagreb.
Once in Belgrade, Raskovic became head of the research center of the Sveti Sava hospital.
In early 1991, Raskovic visited Bosnia-Herzegovina to continue his work.
The nationalistic exaltation of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina began with Raskovic.
He created the Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina and put Radovan Karadzic, another psychiatrist, as its head. Together they held lectures where they spurred on the crowds.

When the war broke out in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the newspaper Glas Slavonije wrote, “The unhappiness of Bosnia-Herzegovina is once again due to a psychiatrist: Dr. Radovan Karadzic. Why are psychiatrists following Milosevic? This question has not yet been answered....”

Radovan Karadzic: The Good Pupil of Raskovic:
The answer to the above question may be that Radovan Karadzic is a close friend of Milosevic and reportedly his former psychiatrist.
Karadzic’s father had been condemned for war crimes in connection with massacres of Muslims during the Second World War.
Karadzic’s family moved to Bosnia-Herzegovina when Karadzic was still a child.
“He always remained a stranger in this Bosnia which he detests,” wrote a witness, “as he cannot understand its spirituality and the complexity of its culture.”
Karadzic became a psychiatrist and practiced in Sarajevo.
He was known in that city for rather ludicrous efforts to establish himself as a poet. His poems were both mediocre and bloody, as witness this extract:

“I’m born to live without tomb,
“this divine body will not die.
“It’s not only born to smell flowers,
“But also to set fire, kill and
reduce everything to dust.”

Karadzic’s early involvement in politics was also unsuccessful. He was banned from the Communist Party after having served prison time for real estate fraud and embezzlement.
When Raskovic went to Bosnia to start his campaign to make the Serbs aware of nationalism, he got Karadzic involved.
During an interview in May 1990, when asked who had been his philosophical model, Karadzic answered, “Above all, Jovan Raskovic.”
The two psychiatrists traveled together on political campaigns in Bosnia to get Serbs elected and to influence the passions of the Serbs.

A startling Confession: Later, in early 1992, Raskovic appeared on television and made a startling public confession:

“I feel responsible because I made the preparations for this war, even if not the military preparations. If I hadn’t created this emotional strain in the Serbian people, nothing would have happened.

“My party and I lit the fuse of Serbian nationalism not only in Croatia but everywhere else in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It’s impossible to imagine an SDP in Bosnia-Herzegovina or a Mr. Karadzic in power without our influence. We have driven this people and we have given it an identity. I have repeated again and again to this people that it comes from heaven, not earth.”

The start of an interesting confession? Did Raskovic disagree with the leaders of the SDP and did he seek revenge? These are questions without answers, since he died shortly after making his statement.
Karadzic, however, continued their work of “ethnic cleansing.”

Vesnik, a popular Croatian daily, wrote:

“He started in politics thanks to his Serbian colleague Jovan Raskovic, the specialist of the Mad People. Karadzic accompanied Raskovic to nearly all Serb meetings in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

“Dr. Raskovic...who gave his people 120-mm rocket launchers, is also a Serb from non-Serb regions involved in Belgrade politics. Karadzic was a good pupil of Raskovic and subsequently managed well on his own.”

 

Ethnic Cleansing: In September 1991, Karadzic declared in the national assembly of Bosnia-Herzegovina:

“The Muslims must take care what they do, since they may well disappear.”
That is exactly what happened.
“The biggest part of the territory of former Yugoslavia,” Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the head of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights’ Subcommittee on the Yugoslavian Situation, declared in August 1992, “and in particular, Bosnia-Herzegovina, is currently the theater of massive and systematic violations of human rights.”
One tactic that is used to force Muslims and Croats to flee is to besiege a city by bombarding the centers inhabited by civilians and cutting food and other vital supplies.
The most dramatic example is that of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina, well-known for hosting the 1984 Winter Olympics. The hospital there was deliberately bombarded several times.
Cultural centers are also targeted, which makes certain observers think that the attackers intend to “kill” the city itself and destroy the tradition of tolerance and harmony between the ethnic group which it symbolizes.
Mr. Mazowiecki was informed of many cases of disappearances in territory controlled by the Serbs. Three thousand cases of disappearances were noted after the fall of Vukovar in eastern Croatia: “The victims were supposedly held in camps for a while, and then disappeared....”

These extracts from the report of Mr. Mazowiecki are very explicit. Ethnic cleansing had started and it is striking to note that an entire culture and civilization were targeted for genocide.

As one example, the Sarajevo library, containing essential elements of the culture of Bosnia-Herzegovina, was bombarded. The Bosnians made a chain to remove books while being shot at and killed by Karadzic’s soldiers.

Extermination: A new United Nations mission, again headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, former prime minister of Poland and a survivor of Nazi concentration camps, visited areas of former Yugoslavia in October 1992.

On October 27, Mr. Mazowiecki reported that he “very much wanted to draw attention to the fact that, since his first visit in August 1992, serious and large-scale violations of human rights continue to be committed in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thousands of people are threatened with death and their human dignity is scoffed at....As stated in my first report, the Muslim population is the first victim and it is threatened with extermination.

“The purpose of ethnic cleansing has already largely been achieved with murders, violence, rape and the destruction of homes and threats. Such practices have been stepped up in recent weeks. Hundreds of thousands of people are forced to leave home and abandon everything.”
Mr. Mazowiecki was particularly shocked “by the conditions in the Trnopolje camp, where more than three thousand people are crammed into three buildings and a few small houses. They live in terrible dirt, sleep under thin covers and straw infested with lice, drink contaminated water and survive on small rations of bread. Respiratory infections are spreading rapidly. Children and adults suffer from diarrhea, probably because of the contaminated water and a nearly total lack of hygiene.”
Most exiles can only find refuge outside the borders of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
However, Croatia, which received hundreds of thousands of refugees, had trouble accepting more because its camps and hospitals became overloaded. For this reason, many fleeing Muslims were turned back at the border.
During the U.N. visit to Sarajevo, representatives from the religious communities, the authorities and non-government organizations confirmed the opinion that Sarajevo is a “dying city.” The population is desperate.
“Only an immediate cease-fire,” wrote Mr. Mazowiecki in this report, “can save the population of Sarajevo, as well as the other besieged cities, from extinction.”
Near Vukovar in Croatia and in other places, the U.N. mission discovered piles of unburied dead bodies.

Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo: The U.N. mission also visited the other states of the former country of Yugoslavia. Mr. Mazowiecki stated that he considered “the current situation of Kosovo dangerous.”

“The discrimination policy is reflected,” he said, “in the laws and measures taken to destroy the bases of Albanian culture.”

In September 1990, the first Albanian-language schools were closed, even though the Albanians account for 90 percent of the population of Kosovo. The day the 1991-1992 school year started, Serbian police occupied many primary and secondary schools.
In Kosovo, 975 primary schools were recently closed and 14,500 Albanian teachers dismissed.
The U.N. mission also visited Vojvodina, in the north of Serbia. The information received “shows that ethnic cleansing is practiced regularly even though thus far at a smaller scale than in Bosnia.”
The mission noted, “The non-Serbs in Bosnia have been expelled from public positions, including the police, the courts and the government....”
During his assignment, Mr. Mazowiecki visited Serbia itself and noted that, “Despite the tolerance in Novi Pazar, a regional capital, incidents have been reported against the Muslim community. In the region bordering on Bosnia-Herzegovina...methods of ethnic cleansing are used. Houses belonging to Muslims are burned and mosques destroyed by terrorist attacks.”
If, as Radovan Karadzic claims, the purpose of the killing is to establish ethnically homogeneous regions, other states will be “cleansed” after Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia.
Systematic Rape of Muslim Women: Psychiatrist Raskovic has succeeded in whipping up hatred and inflaming passion. His ideas have had impact, as evidenced by Serbian propaganda based on such concepts as “The Superior Serbian Being” and “The Serbian Soldier with a Mission.”
International organizations have begun to realize that Karadzic, despite an affable appearance and public relations image, is a small Hitler.
A German journalist recently inquired into the rape of Muslim women in Bosnia. After listening to testimony from many women, and having shared many tears with them, she came to the following conclusions:
The figure of 50,000 women raped, given by the Bosnian government, is accurate and
These rapes are a tactic of war rather than simply amusement for the soldiers. When Karadzic’s troops take a village, wholesale rape commences, then continues in subsequent prisoner camps.
While they are raping the women, Karadzic’s men say they are doing it because the women are Muslim and have to go.
The Tresnjevka Women’s Association has declared that these rapes are planned in order to halt the reproduction of Muslims.
Many Muslim women are now pregnant after forced sexual relations with Serbian soldiers, raising serious problems in the Muslim community.
Another aspect of the genocide is that the psychiatric institutions in Bosnia have been deserted. Those patients left in the care of the psychiatrists have been abandoned to die from their hunger, surrounded by their own waste.
*********
Patricia Forestier is a director of the Citizens Commission on Human Rights in France.

 

PSYCHIATRIC ATROCITIES IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA !

s practiced by the Serbian militia, “ethnic cleansing” means ridding a geographical area of unwanted — i.e., ethnically and racially “inferior” — people. These are Muslims, Croats and, in some cases, other groups such as Albanians.

“Cleansing” an area is done by militarily taking it over, rounding up the minorities, then driving them out of their homeland or simply killing them.

In other words, in 1993 it is the same old “racial hygiene” practiced by the same old philosophical descendants of the core of Nazi psychiatry. The only thing new is the label.

So far, an estimated 110,000 people have died as a result of ethnic cleansing programs, while more than 1.5 million have been driven from their homes. It has been estimated that the Serbs in Bosnia are still holding 600,000 people captive in concentration camp-like facilities: old buildings or athletic fields converted into detention or interrogation centers.

The methods used to drive people from their homes, towns, and states consist of installing enough fear in them that they flee, leaving behind their homes and most of their belongings.

For example, the Serbian militia will take over a town and then round up the leaders, businessmen and professionals in the Muslim community, primarily the men. These men are then marched through the town and off to detention camps where they are kept in inhuman conditions.

Many are interrogated, beaten, tortured, mutilated and killed. Sometimes, they are murdered en masse and dumped in ravines or mass graves.

In a typical Muslim community, the leaders are selected for extermination so that there is no one left to reorganize the community or to put together any resistance. It is also done to weaken the racial “stock” of the people.

Word of the atrocities and murders — if not the actual sights and sounds — spreads rapidly through other Muslim communities, instilling terror. Those remaining Muslims then round up their families and whatever possessions they can carry and flee.

Included in the atrocities of ethnic cleansing are reports of at least 50,000 — and possibly up to 100,000 — girls and women raped. After being rounded up, the females are held in schools, hotels or homes, repeatedly raped, and often turned into concubines for the soldiers.

Reports indicate that the rapes are systematically done to defile young Muslim women and to impregnate them so that they will not be accepted back into their community.

Many of the women have been killed after being raped.

http://www.freedommag.org/english/1993-may/index.htm

Patricia Forestier is a director of the Citizens Commission on Human Rights in France.

 

All of the above, in a form of a newsletter, is lifted from the Albanian blog
http://albiqete.blogspot.com/2008/03/this-article-looks-at-some-of-recurrent.html
(posters should be careful to remove dates next time which will provide at least some fun in doing research of the source)

Book 'Serbia Since 1989' , original source of the Albanian blogger is written by Sabrina P. Ramet (as claimed) and Vjeran Pavlakovic an ethnic Croat (this was hidden).
http://www.ubcpress.ca/search/title_book.asp?BookID=5201#author

___________________________________________
I'm not sure what Dobrica Cosic would say if he sees how some individuals misuse his novels and trying to present it as part of his actual words and thoughts...

Quote from the musings of a controversial lead character of the novel trilogy "Deobe"(Divisions) 1961. Volume I, page 135: "A lie, trait of our patriotism" “We lie to deceive ourselves, to console others, we lie for mercy, we lie to fight fear, to encourage ourselves, to hide our and somebody else's misery. We lie for love and honesty. We lie because of freedom. Lying is a trait of our patriotism and the proof of our innate intelligence. We lie creatively, imaginatively and inventively."

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dobrica_Ćosić

 

According to D. Cosic serbs lie constantly and don't have a bit of shame ! And I believe he was completely correct and did great job by revealing serbian mentality !

Once again :

D.Cosic : "A lie, trait of our patriotism" “We lie to deceive ourselves, to console others, we lie for mercy, we lie to fight fear, to encourage ourselves, to hide our and somebody else's misery. We lie for love and honesty. We lie because of freedom. Lying is a trait of our patriotism and the proof of our innate intelligence. We lie creatively, imaginatively and inventively."

SERBIAN PROPAGANDA was one of the most aggressive tools in order of achieving "Greater Serbia" something which resulted to be an epic fail - ... some examples

"Pakrac massacre" case

During the Battle of Pakrac, Serbian newspaper "Večernje Novosti" reported that about 40 Serb civilians were killed in Pakrac on March 2, 1991 by the Croatian forces. The story was widely accepted by public and some ministers in Serbian government (e.g. Dragutin Zelenovi&#263. Attempts to confirm the report in other media from all 7 municipalities with the name Pakrac throughout the former Yugoslavia failed

"Vukovar baby massacre" case

Day before the execution of 264 Croatian prisoners of war's and civilians in the Ovčara massacre, Serbian media released the news of 40 Serb babies being slaughterd in Vukovar. Dr. Vesna Bosanac, the head of Vukovar hospital from which the Croatian POW's and civilians were taken, said she believed the story of slaughtered babies was released intentionally to make Serb nationalists more angry thus inciting them to execute Croats.

"Dubrovnik 30,000 Ustashas" case

Before the Siege of Dubrovnik, JNA officers (namely Pavle Strugar) made a concerted effort at misrepresenting the military situation on the ground and exaggerated the "threat" of an Croatian attack on Montenegro by "30,000 armed Ustashas and 7000 terrorists, including Kurdish mercenaries".This propaganda was widely spread by the state-controlled media of Serbia and Montenegro.

Actually, Croatian military forces in the area at September were virtually non-existent. The defenders included just one locally conscripted unit, numbered less than 1,500 men and had no tanks or heavy guns. Also, there were no mercenaries on the Croat side.

"Dubrovnik burning tires" case

During the Siege of Dubrovnik in 1991, while the Yugoslav army shelled the Croatian port town, Radio Television of Serbia showed Dubrovnik with columns of smoke explaining that the local people burning automobile tires to simulate destruction of the city

Operation Opera Orientalis


During the secret intelligence Operation Opera Orientalis, while the Serb-controlled Yugoslav Air Force bombed Jewish cemetery and Jewish Community Center in Zagreb in August 1991, Serbian media repeatedly made false accusations in which Croatia was connected with World War II, nazism and anti-Judaism with the aim to discredit the Croatian demands for independence in the West.
"Bosnian mujahideen" case

Serbian propaganda during the Bosnian war portrayed the Bosnian Muslims as violent extremists and fundamentalists.After series of massacres of Bosniaks, a few hundreds (between 300 and 1,500[) of Arabic-speaking volunteers from the Middle East and North Africa, called Mujahideen, came into Bosnia in the second half of 1992 with the aim of helping their Muslim brothers. Serb media fabricated much bigger numbers of mujahideens presenting them as terrorists a huge threat to Europe,[21] in order to inflame anti-Muslim hatred among Serbs. Although Serbian media created much controversy about alleged war crimes committed by them, no indictment was issued by ICTY against any of these foreign volunteers.

"Prijedor monster doctors" case

Just before the Prijedor massacre of Bosniak and Croat civilians, Serb propaganda characterising prominent non-Serbs as criminals and extremists who should be punished for their behaviour. Dr. Mirsad Mujadžić, Bosniak politician, was accused of injecting drugs into Serb women making them incapable of giving birth to male children, thus reducing the birth rate among Serbs, and dr. Željko Sikora, a Croat, referred to as the Monster Doctor, was accused of making Serb women abort if they were pregnant with male children and of castrating the male babies of Serbian parents.[23][25] Moreover, in a "Kozarski Vjesnik" article dated June 10, 1992, Dr. Osman Mahmuljin was accused of deliberately having provided incorrect medical care to his Serb colleague dr. Živko Dukić, who had a heart attack.

Mile Mutić, the director of Kozarski Vjesnik and the journalist Rade Mutić regularly attended meetings of Serb politicians (local authorities) in order to get informed about next steps of spreading propaganda.

"Markale conspiracy" case


The Markale massacres were two artillery attacks on civilians at the Markale marketplace, committed by the Army of Republika Srpska during the Siege of Sarajevo.[26][27] Encouraged by the initial UNPROFOR report, Serbian media claimed that the Bosnian government had shelled its own civilians in order to drag the Western powers to intervene against the Serbs.[28][29][30] However, in January 2003, the War Crime Tribunal concluded that the massacre was committed by Serb forces around Sarajevo.[31] Although widely reported by the international media, the verdict was ignored in Serbia itself.
Lions from Pionirska Dolina case

Lions from Pionirska Dolina case is the most bizarre case related to propaganda during Yugoslav wars. During the Siege of Sarajevo, Serb propaganda was trying to justify the siege at any cost. As the result of that effort Serbian national television gave a report about Serb children being given as a food for lions in Sarajevo ZOO called Pionirska Dolina by Muslim extremists.

Executions of Tuzla

Shortly after the events of the Tuzla column, the Serbian national television, reported the gathering and execution of Bosnian Serbs living in Tuzla at Stadium Tusanj, and disposal of the bodies in the nearby river Jala. No pictures of the selections, executions or carcasses, have been given by the Serb television, nor have been ever found. However the majority of Serbs during and after the war, still believe it happened.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Role_of_the_media_in_the_Yugoslav_wars
******
Orphan on the mother's grave. A 1888 painting by Uroš Predić.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Orphan_by_Uros_Predic_(1888).jpg


Picture of a "Serbian boy whose whole family was killed by Bosnian Muslims", published by Večernje novosti during the Bosnian War.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Vecernje-novosti-propaganda.jpg

Complete propaganda !!!!


National serbian television producing a lie about Bosniac Muslim throwing serb children inside zoo, to feed lions :
[ame="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LzUqQxNb8qw"]YouTube - ‪Televizija Srbija (RTS): Srpsku decu bacaju lavovima‬‏[/ame]

 

INTRODUCTION

The selections that follow represent excerpts of some of the basic works of the most influential Serbian intellectuals (politicians, academics, writers) who lived and worked in various time periods, but are tied together by a common thread, the creation of a Greater Serbia. The immediate goal of this work is to give the reader a more detailed introduction to the genesis of an extreme nationalist ideology which in its modern manifestation is found in the complex circumstances of the break-up of Yugoslavia.

Trying to hide their true motives from the eyes of the world with a series of historic and demographic falsifications, today's proponents of Greater Serbian ambitions are only continuing the promotion of an idea that has been smouldering with various degrees of intensity for over a century. A true appraisal of the events that led to one of the most bloody wars in recent history must take this into account, for until now it has been an unjustly neglected dimension of this Balkan conflict.

The process of condensing written material that has documentary value is problematic in and of itself. In this case the purpose is certainly not to distort historical facts by taking them out of context, but rather to attempt to present a clear and compact overview to the wider public, in the hope that the more studious reader will eventually refer to the original versions of these historical documents.

 

Ilija Garasanin
-------------

NACERTANIJE (1844)

One of first outlines of Serbian territorial aspirations on the Balkans !!!

The "Nacertanije" is the first written treatise to outline Serbian territorial aims on the Balkans, as well as their "historical right" to assume a leadership position in that part of Europe. It was written in 1844 by Ilija Garasanin, who was at the time serving as Minister of Internal Affairs of Serbia in the government of King Alexander Karadordevic.

Ilija Garasanin (1812-1874) was very active in Serbian public life in the 19th century. He held many government posts, including Minister of Internal Affairs, Foreign Minister and Prime Minister, under both King Alexander Karadordevic as well as King Milos Obrenovic. As one of the most prominent Serbian statesmen of the time, he was very influential in shaping Serbian politics and policies.

What follows are some of the key points of his political program to empower Serbia.

* * *
Serbia must place herself in the ranks of the other European states, creating a plan for her future to compose, so to speak, a domestic policy to whose principles she should firmly adhere over a fixed period of time, and according to which she should govern herself and decide all her affairs.
Activity and agitation among the Slavs has already begun and will, indeed, never cease. Serbia must understand this movement as well as the role which she must play within it.
If Serbia ponders what she is now, the position in which she finds herself and the kind of people that surround her, she is confronted with the undeniable fact that she is small and cannot long remain so. Only through alliance with other surrounding peoples can she solve her future problems.

With these factors in mind, a plan may be constructed which does not limit Serbia to her present borders, but endeavors to absorb all the Serbian people around her.

If Serbia does not faithfully pursue this policy, and, worse still, rejects it, failing to arrange her problems by a well- ordered plan, she will be buffetted back and forth like a small vessel by the cross currents of every alien tempest until finally she will be dashed to bits on some unsuspected reef.
The Serbian state must strive to expand and become stronger; its roots and foundation are firmly embedded in the Serbian Empire of the 13th and 14th centuries and the glorious pageant of Serbian history. Historically speaking, the Serbian rulers, it may be remembered, began to assume the position held by the Greek Empire and almost succeeded in making an end of it, replacing the collapsed Eastern Roman Empire with a Serbian-Slavic one. Emperor Dusan the Mighty had even adopted the crest of the Greek Empire. The arrival of the Turks in the Balkans interrupted this change, and prevented it from taking place for a long time. But now, since the Turkish power is broken and destroyed, so to speak, this process must commence once more in the same spirit and again be undertaken in the knowledge of that right.
Such an enterprise would be endowed with inestimable importance and great prestige among European cabinets, as well as in the eyes of its own people; for then we Serbs could appear before that world as the heirs of our illustrious forefathers, doing nothing that is new other than completing their work. Hence our present will not be without a link to the past and will comprise one dependent, integrated, and systematic whole. Thus, the Serbian Idea and its national mission and existence will stand under the sacred law of history. Our aspirations will not be reproached as something novel and untried, that they signify revolution and rebellion; but all must acknowledge that this is politically necessary, grounded in past ages, and originating in the state and national life of the Serbian people whose roots continually send forth branches to blossom anew.

If we consider the rebirth of the Serbian kingdom from those standpoints, then others will easily understand the South Slav idea and accept it with joy; for probably in no single European country is the memory of the historical past so vivid as among the Slavs of Turkey, for whom the recollection of the celebrated events of their history is especially cherished and fondly remembered. . .

The Serbs were the first, of all the Slavs of Turkey, to struggle for their freedom with their own resources and strength; therefore, they have the first and foremost right to further direct this endeavor. Even now in many places, and in certain European cabinets, it is anticipated and expected that a great future is imminent for the Serbs, and it is this fact which has attracted the attention of Europe. If Serbia is thought of as merely a principality, the nucleus of a future Serbian kingdom, then the world need not concern itself any more than it did with the Moldavian and Wallachian principalities where there is no independent principle and whom it considers Russian satellites.

A new Serbian state in the south could give Europe every guarantee that it would be orderly and strong, and able to maintain itself between Austria and Russia. The geographic position of the country, its topography, abundance of natural resources, the martial spirit of its inhabitants, their elevated and fiery national feeling, and linguistic and ethnic homogeneity of all contribute to a sense of permanency and a promising future.

In order to determine what we can accomplish, and how we are to proceed, the government must know the particular conditions and circumstances of the peoples residing in the surrounding provinces.

It is especially necessary to be informed on developments in Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, and northern Albania. At the same time the exact situation in Slavonia, Croatia and Dalmatia must be understood and, of course into this category fall Srem, Banat, and Backa as well.

When we take into a closer consideration the topography, geographic position and military tradition of these countries and their inhabitants, together with their mentality and ways of thinking, we well easily come to the conclusion that this is the part of Turkey upon which Serbia can exert the greatest influence. The determination and organization of this influence seems to us to be the main task of Serbian policy in Turkey.

Serbia must propose the possible points of this policy to both segments of the people residing there, Orthodox and Catholic, because of her prestige, years of experience and the diplomatic recognition accorded to her. One of the main points which should be set forth is the principle of complete freedom of religion established by law. The principle must include all Christians, and who knows if in time this cannot be extended to some Mohammedans as well? They must be satisfied and rendered complacent. Furthermore, the hereditary princely dignity must become the most important and fundamental law of the state. Without this principle which is the very embodiment of national unity, an enduring and permanent fusion between Serbia and Serbs in neighboring areas is unthinkable.

Not only must the fundamental constitutional laws of Serbia be extended to Bosnia and Herzegovina, along with the administrative system of the Principality of Serbia, but a number of young Bosnians should be accepted into the Serbian administration to train them as political, financial and legal specialists. Later these people would apply what they have learned in Serbia in their own countries, and put into practice the knowledge which they have gained. Here it must be observed that these young people should be specially supervised and educated in their work so that the redeeming idea of a general unification prevails and remains uppermost. This requisite cannot be sufficiently emphasized.

Special attention must be paid to the problem of diverting the peoples of the Roman Catholic faith from the Austrian influence, and evoking a sympathy for Serbia. Through the Franciscans there this goal can be best achieved. The Franciscans must be won over to the idea of the union of Bosnia and Serbia. To this end, several prayer books and hymnals should be printed in Belgrade, as well as prayer books for Orthodox Christians and anthologies of national songs which would be Latin on one side and Cyrillic on the other.

As a third step, it would be advisable to print a short and general history of Bosnia, in which the names of several men of the Mohammedan faith and their renowned deeds would be included. It is recommended that this history be written in the spirit of the Slavic people; the entire work should be permeated with the spirit of the Slavic people, and the national unity of the Serbs and Bosnians. Through the printing of these similar patriotic works, as well as other necessary actions which should be liberated from the influence of Austria and inclined more to Serbia. Croatia and Dalmatia in this way would procure books which would be impossible to print in Austria. The natural result would be the merger of these two lands in a closer relationship with Bosnia and Serbia.

At first glance it may be thought that Serbia must be on friendly terms with those areas (Srem, Backa, and Banat), since in origin, language, law, and custom they are one and the same with the Serbs of Serbia. If this is not the case then the blame falls in part, at least, upon Serbia herself, because she has not proceeded to win the friendship of these Serbs. But it is to be hoped that because of the hostile influence of Austria this weak relationship will be improved in the same degree as the Principality of Serbia shows that it is well-organized, strong, and just state. For the present, if nothing else, at least an effort should be made to become acquainted with the most important people in those provinces, and to establish one important newspaper which would act usefully in the interest of the Serbian cause under the Hungarian constitution.